سپينه کونتره
اجمل خټک
راوالوځه ګډا شه د خېبر د لوړه سره
واه واه سپينه کونتره
د مېنې فضا جوړه کا د امن پېغامبره
واه واه سپينه کونتره
دا خونه د تاريخ ده د پښتو او د ايمان
دښمن يې راته سيزي د بمونو په باران
داظلم اپوټه کا د جنګونو له سنګره
واه واه سپينه کونتره
نن وخوره چورلکونه زما وينه مستانه کا
خبر مې په مېړانه دامغروره زمانه کا
د ننګ چغه پېدا کا د نرانو له ډګره
واه واه سپينه کونتره
دا خپل مستانه قوم د خپل ښاېست په تماشه کا
دې وينه کښې ، دې مينه کښې پېدا نوې جذبه کا
دا شر اؤ فساد ورک کا له هېواده سراسره
واه واه سپينه کونتره
يو داسې امن غواړم چې زما د خاورې پت وي
د بم او ډالر نه وي د ايمان اؤ د غېرت وي
په خپله فېصله شي د محراب نه تر ټغره
واه واه سپينه کونتره
سپرلي د جنت راشي دې جنګونو سوي کور ته
ملي زندګي راوړي دغه خاورې دغه لور ته
ژوندون شي مينه مينه دلته کوزه هلته بره
واه واه سپنه کونتره
خپل حسن زما ننګ راته يو نوې فېصله کا
د وخت د شين اسمان په پلوشو کښې مو جرګه کا
خټک ته زېري راوړه د وطن د سپين سحره
واه واه سپنه کونتره
Saturday, June 12, 2010
مېلمستیا MELMASTHIA
مېلمستیا MELMASTHIA
The famous and greatest demand of Pakhtunwali is Melmasthia, (melma means a guest) , hospitality and protection to every guest irrespective whether he be an outsider, not in a position to return it, or be his fellow tribesman. A Pathan does not care for colour, race, religion, or qaum in respect to Melmasthia, this is the proof that Pathans are free of any prejudice, juandice and unnecessary ill will. Thier spacious and commodious hujras bear testimony to this fact. A Pathan would keep due regard for his guest styaing in his hujra even if the host happens to be per chance his kidnapper. Prof. Langlands, Principle for the Cadet College, Razmak North Waziistan Agenc (NWFP) , when kidnapped fro mthe permises of Miranshah by Turi khel wazirs on 20-2-1988, when interviewed after recovery, said,
"shutti khan with whom he was staying in karkanwam (the famous abode of outlaws in noth waziristan agency) served me daily with roasted mutton tikkas and half-boiled eggs for breakfast. The man looking after me was an outlaw but he treated me very well indeed".
Melmasthia also demands that he Pathan accords protection to all who claim it from him. In this regard Melmasthia takes precedence over Badal, and even the enemy who comes seeking refuge, must be granted it and defended against his pursuers. This custom was a constant irritant in the Pathan's relaions with the British in old days. The man proclaimed a criminal in Peshawar, could flee to the hills and could not only expect but demand protetion and sanctuary from every house he came to. The practiceis virtually alive even today.
One of the main instruments for implementing melmastia on day to day besis is the hujra (guest_house). This consisit of a room or two where the visitors is quartered and fed. Each village will have one or sometimes two or more hujras containing few charpais, pillows and a cheelum (hubblebubble). Most of the maliks in tribal areas have their own hujras or small baitaks as Khans have settled in districts.
In addition to serving as aheadquarters for transients, the hujras is a kind of cleb for the local inhabitants. The men of the clan gather there to drink tea and discuss the affairs of the day including national and international events and local gossip. The information provided by Radio Pakistan, the BBC the voice of America, as well as by Radio Kabul is digested and commented upon freely which is most often leads to outbursts of humour, laughter and gossip which a Pathan is temperamentally given to. The atmosphere is exclusively male , and frequently the bachelors sleep in the hujras. Melma has specific privillages. In the host's house melma is specifically safe. If anyone tries to harm melma, the korba (the host) must treat the offender in exactly the same way as if he has harmed one of the family member of the host.
one receiving Melma is greatly respected by all knowing him. No matter how great a criminal the Melma is, once he has entered the korba's (host) house, neither the korba nor the Melma's eneimes can harm him. In some tibes, besides receiving and serving the melma, gifts are also given to him.
a British who happened to be the guest of a Pathan once wrote,
"this notorious proclaimed offender is a good friend, a social man of the first order and above all, hospitable. you would fine him ready for any service to his fellow-beings. "
"a Pathan may sleep with an empty stomach, but would provide all possible comforts to his guest".
the following are some of the proverbs that find common usage amongst Pathans of both hills and plains which speaks eloquently of their hospitality.
the guest is the ward of the host.
eating by self, turns into mere excreta while feeding others, turns into flowers.
from the guest, men even refuse not their heads.
a guest is God's blessing.
are you a guest setting at rest!
while confessing the noble and cherished value of hospitality of the Pathans, it at the same time must be confessed that the very trait is more a matter of personal prestige and self-aggrandizement that of charity or brotherly love. Badal springs from pride and retribution rather than from a desire to promote the commn good or the rehabilitation of the offender. yet the least which can be said is that the Pathans are a strong and free people at a tie when it is not easy for those possessed for their nuclear weapons or massive sums of money or to be either.
a Pathan's prodigality in the matter of Melmasthia os also proverbial, and most aften crosses the limits of economics, but it is what they feel proud of. The served as charity by some of the tribes to the guests on the first day of death occurring in their families s also the proof of their hopitality though purely unIslamic.
Until recently the Hujra played a pivotal role in the social life of the Pathans in villages, but with commercialisation of life, the sway of lust for money and other material gains, the insitution of hujra has sadly now come to wane, but the hospitality trait of the Pathans remains alive though not as marked as compared with past times.
The famous and greatest demand of Pakhtunwali is Melmasthia, (melma means a guest) , hospitality and protection to every guest irrespective whether he be an outsider, not in a position to return it, or be his fellow tribesman. A Pathan does not care for colour, race, religion, or qaum in respect to Melmasthia, this is the proof that Pathans are free of any prejudice, juandice and unnecessary ill will. Thier spacious and commodious hujras bear testimony to this fact. A Pathan would keep due regard for his guest styaing in his hujra even if the host happens to be per chance his kidnapper. Prof. Langlands, Principle for the Cadet College, Razmak North Waziistan Agenc (NWFP) , when kidnapped fro mthe permises of Miranshah by Turi khel wazirs on 20-2-1988, when interviewed after recovery, said,
"shutti khan with whom he was staying in karkanwam (the famous abode of outlaws in noth waziristan agency) served me daily with roasted mutton tikkas and half-boiled eggs for breakfast. The man looking after me was an outlaw but he treated me very well indeed".
Melmasthia also demands that he Pathan accords protection to all who claim it from him. In this regard Melmasthia takes precedence over Badal, and even the enemy who comes seeking refuge, must be granted it and defended against his pursuers. This custom was a constant irritant in the Pathan's relaions with the British in old days. The man proclaimed a criminal in Peshawar, could flee to the hills and could not only expect but demand protetion and sanctuary from every house he came to. The practiceis virtually alive even today.
One of the main instruments for implementing melmastia on day to day besis is the hujra (guest_house). This consisit of a room or two where the visitors is quartered and fed. Each village will have one or sometimes two or more hujras containing few charpais, pillows and a cheelum (hubblebubble). Most of the maliks in tribal areas have their own hujras or small baitaks as Khans have settled in districts.
In addition to serving as aheadquarters for transients, the hujras is a kind of cleb for the local inhabitants. The men of the clan gather there to drink tea and discuss the affairs of the day including national and international events and local gossip. The information provided by Radio Pakistan, the BBC the voice of America, as well as by Radio Kabul is digested and commented upon freely which is most often leads to outbursts of humour, laughter and gossip which a Pathan is temperamentally given to. The atmosphere is exclusively male , and frequently the bachelors sleep in the hujras. Melma has specific privillages. In the host's house melma is specifically safe. If anyone tries to harm melma, the korba (the host) must treat the offender in exactly the same way as if he has harmed one of the family member of the host.
one receiving Melma is greatly respected by all knowing him. No matter how great a criminal the Melma is, once he has entered the korba's (host) house, neither the korba nor the Melma's eneimes can harm him. In some tibes, besides receiving and serving the melma, gifts are also given to him.
a British who happened to be the guest of a Pathan once wrote,
"this notorious proclaimed offender is a good friend, a social man of the first order and above all, hospitable. you would fine him ready for any service to his fellow-beings. "
"a Pathan may sleep with an empty stomach, but would provide all possible comforts to his guest".
the following are some of the proverbs that find common usage amongst Pathans of both hills and plains which speaks eloquently of their hospitality.
the guest is the ward of the host.
eating by self, turns into mere excreta while feeding others, turns into flowers.
from the guest, men even refuse not their heads.
a guest is God's blessing.
are you a guest setting at rest!
while confessing the noble and cherished value of hospitality of the Pathans, it at the same time must be confessed that the very trait is more a matter of personal prestige and self-aggrandizement that of charity or brotherly love. Badal springs from pride and retribution rather than from a desire to promote the commn good or the rehabilitation of the offender. yet the least which can be said is that the Pathans are a strong and free people at a tie when it is not easy for those possessed for their nuclear weapons or massive sums of money or to be either.
a Pathan's prodigality in the matter of Melmasthia os also proverbial, and most aften crosses the limits of economics, but it is what they feel proud of. The served as charity by some of the tribes to the guests on the first day of death occurring in their families s also the proof of their hopitality though purely unIslamic.
Until recently the Hujra played a pivotal role in the social life of the Pathans in villages, but with commercialisation of life, the sway of lust for money and other material gains, the insitution of hujra has sadly now come to wane, but the hospitality trait of the Pathans remains alive though not as marked as compared with past times.
Friday, June 11, 2010
Millions suffer in 'human rights free zone' in northwest Pakistan
Millions suffer in 'human rights free zone' in northwest Pakistan
Life for civilians in northwest Pakistan's 'human rights free zone'
© Amnesty International
Over a million people remain displaced by the conflict between the military and the Taleban
© Amnesty International
The displaced suffer under the Taleban and feel abandoned by the government
© Amnesty International
10 June 2010
Millions of Pakistanis in the northwest tribal areas live in a human rights free zone where they have no legal protection by the government and are subject to abuses by the Taleban, Amnesty International said in a major report released on Thursday.
"Nearly 4 million people are effectively living under the Taleban in northwest Pakistan without rule of law and effectively abandoned by the Pakistani government," said Claudio Cordone, Amnesty International's interim Secretary General.
The 130-page report, 'As if Hell Fell on Me': The Human Rights Crisis in Northwest Pakistan, is based on nearly 300 interviews with residents of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and adjacent areas of the Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP). The report gives voice to those whose experiences are rarely reported and reveals the abuses faced by the region’s residents.
"There are still more than 1 million people who were displaced from their homes in Pakistan's northwest tribal belt by the conflict with the Taleban whose plight is largely ignored and are in desperate need of aid," said Claudio Cordone.
Amnesty International's review of available information also suggests that at least 1,300 civilians were killed in the fighting in northwest Pakistan in 2009, from a total of more than 8,500 casualties (including combatants).
The report documents the systematic abuses carried out by the Taleban as they established their rule by killing those who challenge their authority, such as tribal elders and government officials.
They imposed their rule through torture and other ill-treatment, targeting teachers, aid workers and political activists. The Taleban have particularly targeted women and schools and health clinics catering to their needs.
Amnesty International was told of Taleban insurgents blocking roads to prevent civilians from escaping as villages fell under heavy bombardment by government forces. The insurgents also increased the likelihood of civilian causalities by dispersing themselves among civilians and in and around schools.
Successive Pakistani governments have treated the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan with disdain, ignoring the rights of the area's residents, particular in FATA.
Over the past decade, Pakistan's government has veered from appeasing the Pakistani Taleban through a series of failed "peace deals" to launching heavy handed military operations that include indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks.
The USA's use of drones to target insurgents in northwest Pakistan has generated considerable resentment inside Pakistan. Amnesty International has called on the USA to clarify its chain of command and rules of engagement for the use of drones and ensure proper accountability for civilian casualties.
Many displaced residents of the area told Amnesty International that they had suffered under the Taleban and felt abandoned by the Pakistani government. In the words of one teacher who fled Swat with his family in March 2009:
The government just gave away our lives to the Taleban. What's the point of having this huge army if it can’t even protect us against a group of brutal fanatics? They took over my school and started to teach children about how to fight in Afghanistan. They kicked out the girls from school, told the men to grow their beards, threatened anybody they didn’t like. Our government and our military never tried to protect us from this.
The residents of FATA continue to be governed by a colonial-era law, the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) of 1901, which denies basic constitutional rights and protections for the residents of FATA, including their rights to political representation, judicial appeal, and freedom from collective punishment.
"For years, FATA has been treated as a stage for geopolitical rivalries and is currently in focus because of the conflict in neighbouring Afghanistan and the search for al-Qa’ida, rather than the rights of the people living there," said Claudio Cordone. "The Pakistani government should not just respond using military force; it needs to provide and protect the basic rights of its citizens living there."
The FCR gives a government-appointed Political Agent ultimate judicial and executive authority, including the ability to carry out communal punishment, including formal detention, by holding all members of a tribe potentially responsible for alleged infractions committed by any tribe member.
The Constitution of Pakistan of 1973 explicitly excludes FATA from the legal, judicial and parliamentary system of Pakistan, including barring residents from full representation in parliament and from bringing appeals to a higher court outside the territory.
The government of Pakistan has recently promised to reform the FCR but this has not yet happened.
"The Pakistani government has to follow through on its promises to bring the region out of this human rights black hole and place the people of FATA under the protection of the law and constitution of Pakistan," said Claudio Cordone. "There is no quick fix for decades of misrule and the conflict of the past few years, but the road to recovery starts with recognizing the rights of the people of FATA."
Amnesty International urges both the Pakistani government and the Taleban to comply with international humanitarian law by taking all measures to prevent loss of civilian life and buildings including hospitals and schools and allowing unfettered NGO access to provide food, shelter and medical supplies to the injured and displaced.
Life for civilians in northwest Pakistan's 'human rights free zone'
© Amnesty International
Over a million people remain displaced by the conflict between the military and the Taleban
© Amnesty International
The displaced suffer under the Taleban and feel abandoned by the government
© Amnesty International
10 June 2010
Millions of Pakistanis in the northwest tribal areas live in a human rights free zone where they have no legal protection by the government and are subject to abuses by the Taleban, Amnesty International said in a major report released on Thursday.
"Nearly 4 million people are effectively living under the Taleban in northwest Pakistan without rule of law and effectively abandoned by the Pakistani government," said Claudio Cordone, Amnesty International's interim Secretary General.
The 130-page report, 'As if Hell Fell on Me': The Human Rights Crisis in Northwest Pakistan, is based on nearly 300 interviews with residents of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and adjacent areas of the Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP). The report gives voice to those whose experiences are rarely reported and reveals the abuses faced by the region’s residents.
"There are still more than 1 million people who were displaced from their homes in Pakistan's northwest tribal belt by the conflict with the Taleban whose plight is largely ignored and are in desperate need of aid," said Claudio Cordone.
Amnesty International's review of available information also suggests that at least 1,300 civilians were killed in the fighting in northwest Pakistan in 2009, from a total of more than 8,500 casualties (including combatants).
The report documents the systematic abuses carried out by the Taleban as they established their rule by killing those who challenge their authority, such as tribal elders and government officials.
They imposed their rule through torture and other ill-treatment, targeting teachers, aid workers and political activists. The Taleban have particularly targeted women and schools and health clinics catering to their needs.
Amnesty International was told of Taleban insurgents blocking roads to prevent civilians from escaping as villages fell under heavy bombardment by government forces. The insurgents also increased the likelihood of civilian causalities by dispersing themselves among civilians and in and around schools.
Successive Pakistani governments have treated the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan with disdain, ignoring the rights of the area's residents, particular in FATA.
Over the past decade, Pakistan's government has veered from appeasing the Pakistani Taleban through a series of failed "peace deals" to launching heavy handed military operations that include indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks.
The USA's use of drones to target insurgents in northwest Pakistan has generated considerable resentment inside Pakistan. Amnesty International has called on the USA to clarify its chain of command and rules of engagement for the use of drones and ensure proper accountability for civilian casualties.
Many displaced residents of the area told Amnesty International that they had suffered under the Taleban and felt abandoned by the Pakistani government. In the words of one teacher who fled Swat with his family in March 2009:
The government just gave away our lives to the Taleban. What's the point of having this huge army if it can’t even protect us against a group of brutal fanatics? They took over my school and started to teach children about how to fight in Afghanistan. They kicked out the girls from school, told the men to grow their beards, threatened anybody they didn’t like. Our government and our military never tried to protect us from this.
The residents of FATA continue to be governed by a colonial-era law, the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) of 1901, which denies basic constitutional rights and protections for the residents of FATA, including their rights to political representation, judicial appeal, and freedom from collective punishment.
"For years, FATA has been treated as a stage for geopolitical rivalries and is currently in focus because of the conflict in neighbouring Afghanistan and the search for al-Qa’ida, rather than the rights of the people living there," said Claudio Cordone. "The Pakistani government should not just respond using military force; it needs to provide and protect the basic rights of its citizens living there."
The FCR gives a government-appointed Political Agent ultimate judicial and executive authority, including the ability to carry out communal punishment, including formal detention, by holding all members of a tribe potentially responsible for alleged infractions committed by any tribe member.
The Constitution of Pakistan of 1973 explicitly excludes FATA from the legal, judicial and parliamentary system of Pakistan, including barring residents from full representation in parliament and from bringing appeals to a higher court outside the territory.
The government of Pakistan has recently promised to reform the FCR but this has not yet happened.
"The Pakistani government has to follow through on its promises to bring the region out of this human rights black hole and place the people of FATA under the protection of the law and constitution of Pakistan," said Claudio Cordone. "There is no quick fix for decades of misrule and the conflict of the past few years, but the road to recovery starts with recognizing the rights of the people of FATA."
Amnesty International urges both the Pakistani government and the Taleban to comply with international humanitarian law by taking all measures to prevent loss of civilian life and buildings including hospitals and schools and allowing unfettered NGO access to provide food, shelter and medical supplies to the injured and displaced.
Tribal areas ignored again in Pakistan reform deal
Tribal areas ignored again in Pakistan reform deal
(Published Tuesday, 27 April 2010 17:00)on http://www.thesamosa.co.uk/index.php/comment-and-analysis/politics/332-tribal-areas-ignored-again-in-pakistan-reform-deal.html
By Ali Hussain
Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari has signed into law the country’s major constitutional reform package, the 18th Amendment, as the country faces a law and order crisis in its western Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).
But beyond a call for the government to implement reforms announced by President Zardari last year to the draconian Frontier Crime Regulations (FRC), and to provide opportunities for national political parties to organise in FATA, the constitutional package is silent on introducing necessary constitutional reform to the tribal areas.
FATA needs an immediate extension of the Political Parties Act to those areas to bring the tribesmen to the mainstream politics, as well as reforms to the FCR and other steps for the social and economic uplift of the tribesmen.
Agents against change
According to experts on the tribal areas, the main reasons behind the terrorism and extremism in those areas are political ignorance among the people and the region’s constitutional status.
Currently, the national president rules this tribal region directly. The federation’s step-motherly treatment of FATA has kept the region away from development. Under Article 247 (3) of the Constitution of 1973, no Act of Parliament is applicable to FATA unless the national president so directs.
Indeed, the governor of ‘Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa’, the new name given to the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), acts as the ‘agent’ to the Pakistani president.
Yet it is the political agent, or his assistant in his absence, posted in each of the seven agencies and six frontier regions of FATA, who is the real boss on the ground. Under the FCR, the political agent or his deputy enjoys unbridled powers, both executive and judicial. He is both judge and jury.
Under the FCR, suspects are tried by the tribal jirga, which submits its recommendations on whether to convict or acquit to the political agent. The political agent then decides whether to convict or acquit, but is not bound by the jirga's recommendations. The orders of the political agent cannot be challenged before the higher courts.
There is no regulatory mechanism to check any misuse of the political agent’s powers, which often result in serious human rights violations.
Judge and jury
Indeed, the systematic denial of legal and judicial reforms in FATA has institutionalised Taliban-style justice in the region, and the absence of proper structure or governance has created the conditions which have led to war.
FATA is divided into two administrative categories – ‘protected’ areas that fall under direct control of the government, and ‘non-protected’ areas administered indirectly through the local tribes.
Under the FCR, the local administration has the unchallenged authority to arrest and detain anyone without specifying the charges. The accused cannot get bail. Contrary to all civilised laws and jurisprudence, the FCR provides for collective punishment of the accused’s family members or blood relatives, instead of punishing only the guilty.
Family members or blood relatives are handed a jail term for no crime of their own. Innocent men, women and children become victims of this black law. Children as young as two years old have been convicted under it.
In ‘non-protected’ areas, the tribe has been vested with the responsibility of implementing the jirga decisions. The jirga often mete out punishment to an offender with a heavy fine. More severe forms of punishment include expelling an individual or a family from the area and confiscating, destroying or setting fire to homes and property.
Under the FCR, tribal prisoners have had to serve two or more sentences for the same crime, whereas Article 13 (a) of the Constitution of Pakistan states that no person “shall be prosecuted or punished for the same offence more than once”. Many tribal prisoners complained that they remained in jail even after serving their sentences because they were unable to furnish large bails to political agents.
A democratic no-man's-land
There has been no attempt to provide access to the rule of law for the people of FATA. The Constitution itself provides the biggest hurdle to the access of justice, as Article 247 (7) states: “Neither the Supreme Court nor a High Court shall exercise any jurisdiction under the Constitution in relation to a Tribal Area, unless Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) by law otherwise provides.”
No legislation passed by Parliament is applicable to the FATA region without the assent of the President under Article 247 (3) of the Constitution.
Under Article 247 (3), FATA has been excluded from all legal reforms that Pakistan has witnessed since 1947. Pakistan has enacted many laws relating to administration, social, economic, political and judicial reforms to cope with changing social needs, but these have been denied to the people of FATA due to Article 247(3).
On April 16th this year, a cross-party conference organised by Jamat-e-Islami on ‘Why FATA is deprived of constitutional reforms’ asked the government not to adopt the recommendations of the parliamentary Constitutional Reforms Committee until reforms in FATA are included in amendments to the Constitution.
The conference called on the government to bring FATA into mainstream politics. Participants were unanimous that the government had failed to fulfill its promises about extending the Political Parties Act to tribal areas, and proposed a ‘FATA Legislative Council’ to empower tribesmen to play their role following their tribal traditions.
A roadmap for progress
FATA needs to be given the status of a province. If not, then the FATA Legislative Council – the Gilgit Baltistan-style constitutional structure – is the most valid demand for the tribal areas.
It would not only help the government of Pakistan to bring the region under its administrative control, but would also leave very positive impacts on Afghanistan’s situation.
There is a dire need to take practical steps to do away with FATA’s draconian laws and bring the people of the region into the mainstream politics of the country.
(Published Tuesday, 27 April 2010 17:00)on http://www.thesamosa.co.uk/index.php/comment-and-analysis/politics/332-tribal-areas-ignored-again-in-pakistan-reform-deal.html
By Ali Hussain
Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari has signed into law the country’s major constitutional reform package, the 18th Amendment, as the country faces a law and order crisis in its western Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).
But beyond a call for the government to implement reforms announced by President Zardari last year to the draconian Frontier Crime Regulations (FRC), and to provide opportunities for national political parties to organise in FATA, the constitutional package is silent on introducing necessary constitutional reform to the tribal areas.
FATA needs an immediate extension of the Political Parties Act to those areas to bring the tribesmen to the mainstream politics, as well as reforms to the FCR and other steps for the social and economic uplift of the tribesmen.
Agents against change
According to experts on the tribal areas, the main reasons behind the terrorism and extremism in those areas are political ignorance among the people and the region’s constitutional status.
Currently, the national president rules this tribal region directly. The federation’s step-motherly treatment of FATA has kept the region away from development. Under Article 247 (3) of the Constitution of 1973, no Act of Parliament is applicable to FATA unless the national president so directs.
Indeed, the governor of ‘Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa’, the new name given to the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), acts as the ‘agent’ to the Pakistani president.
Yet it is the political agent, or his assistant in his absence, posted in each of the seven agencies and six frontier regions of FATA, who is the real boss on the ground. Under the FCR, the political agent or his deputy enjoys unbridled powers, both executive and judicial. He is both judge and jury.
Under the FCR, suspects are tried by the tribal jirga, which submits its recommendations on whether to convict or acquit to the political agent. The political agent then decides whether to convict or acquit, but is not bound by the jirga's recommendations. The orders of the political agent cannot be challenged before the higher courts.
There is no regulatory mechanism to check any misuse of the political agent’s powers, which often result in serious human rights violations.
Judge and jury
Indeed, the systematic denial of legal and judicial reforms in FATA has institutionalised Taliban-style justice in the region, and the absence of proper structure or governance has created the conditions which have led to war.
FATA is divided into two administrative categories – ‘protected’ areas that fall under direct control of the government, and ‘non-protected’ areas administered indirectly through the local tribes.
Under the FCR, the local administration has the unchallenged authority to arrest and detain anyone without specifying the charges. The accused cannot get bail. Contrary to all civilised laws and jurisprudence, the FCR provides for collective punishment of the accused’s family members or blood relatives, instead of punishing only the guilty.
Family members or blood relatives are handed a jail term for no crime of their own. Innocent men, women and children become victims of this black law. Children as young as two years old have been convicted under it.
In ‘non-protected’ areas, the tribe has been vested with the responsibility of implementing the jirga decisions. The jirga often mete out punishment to an offender with a heavy fine. More severe forms of punishment include expelling an individual or a family from the area and confiscating, destroying or setting fire to homes and property.
Under the FCR, tribal prisoners have had to serve two or more sentences for the same crime, whereas Article 13 (a) of the Constitution of Pakistan states that no person “shall be prosecuted or punished for the same offence more than once”. Many tribal prisoners complained that they remained in jail even after serving their sentences because they were unable to furnish large bails to political agents.
A democratic no-man's-land
There has been no attempt to provide access to the rule of law for the people of FATA. The Constitution itself provides the biggest hurdle to the access of justice, as Article 247 (7) states: “Neither the Supreme Court nor a High Court shall exercise any jurisdiction under the Constitution in relation to a Tribal Area, unless Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament) by law otherwise provides.”
No legislation passed by Parliament is applicable to the FATA region without the assent of the President under Article 247 (3) of the Constitution.
Under Article 247 (3), FATA has been excluded from all legal reforms that Pakistan has witnessed since 1947. Pakistan has enacted many laws relating to administration, social, economic, political and judicial reforms to cope with changing social needs, but these have been denied to the people of FATA due to Article 247(3).
On April 16th this year, a cross-party conference organised by Jamat-e-Islami on ‘Why FATA is deprived of constitutional reforms’ asked the government not to adopt the recommendations of the parliamentary Constitutional Reforms Committee until reforms in FATA are included in amendments to the Constitution.
The conference called on the government to bring FATA into mainstream politics. Participants were unanimous that the government had failed to fulfill its promises about extending the Political Parties Act to tribal areas, and proposed a ‘FATA Legislative Council’ to empower tribesmen to play their role following their tribal traditions.
A roadmap for progress
FATA needs to be given the status of a province. If not, then the FATA Legislative Council – the Gilgit Baltistan-style constitutional structure – is the most valid demand for the tribal areas.
It would not only help the government of Pakistan to bring the region under its administrative control, but would also leave very positive impacts on Afghanistan’s situation.
There is a dire need to take practical steps to do away with FATA’s draconian laws and bring the people of the region into the mainstream politics of the country.
Life in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies of FATA
Life in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies of FATA
Special Report
Courtesy
CENTER for RESEARCH
and SECURITY STUDIES ISLAMABAD, PAKISTAN
Islamabad, May 20, 2010
Life in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies of FATA
Background:
Until 2006, there was nominal presence of Taliban in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies. However, with the formal launch of Tehreek-e Taliban Pakistan [TTP] in December 2007, Chief Baitullah Mehsud, deputed his close aide Hakeemullah Mehsud to control Orakzai Agency. Under Hakeemullah’s leadership, the TTP entered Orakzai and the Taliban gradually established their writ on the entire area.
The Taliban entry into Kurram and Orakzai Agencies is a replica of three-phased tactic adopted by them on both sides of the Durand Line. In the first phase--persuasion phase--the TTP criticized the prevailing injustice in the area, and pushed for the greater agenda of caliphate, Jihad and martyrdom through peaceful assertions. During this phase, the TTP looked for local allies and also built their centres. The Taliban also verbally attacked the centuries old harmonious Shia-Sunni relations in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies. This phase also included target killing and kidnapping of Shias. Training camps established during this phase recruited a considerable number of young men for becoming fighters and suicide bombers. The TTP also started gathering revenues in form of coal commissions, narcotics, extortions and kidnapping for ransom.
In the second phase--contamination phase--the Taliban used intimidations, threats and violence to isolate the area from rest of the country and to break down the tribal culture. Music and barbers’ shops were attacked and movements of people, particularly women, was restricted. Girls education was banned. Attacks on shias increased and intimidation of Sikhs began. Under the leadership of Hakeemullah Mehsud in the area, a considerable number of youth began developing fighting militias. This phase of contamination led to occupation.
In the third phase, the TTP began to establish a parallel system in the area. A different judicial and administration system and a new social code were imposed on people of the area. This process of occupation angered the largest tribe, Ali Khel. The tribe thus decided to resist the occupation.
Current Scenario:
Kurram and Orakzai, the coldest agencies vis-à-vis climate have become the hottest ones vis-à-vis day to day violence and turbulence. In Kurram Agency, however, the army has cleared 40 percent area, and we can say that 80 percent area has become peaceful. The remaining 20 percent, however, still remains under the Taliban control. There are Shias spreading over 60 percent of the area.
The last public resistance in Kurram was headed by Mumtaz Mullah who was supported by 120 families--almost 20,000 people--in Zawa town. Mumtaz Mullah formed a lashkar which provided security shell to the town against Noor Jamal known as Mullah Tofan (storm). The lashkar resisted Tofan’s men hardly for a month as Zawa town was besieged by the Taliban and the people had to suffer due to shortage of daily use commodities. A vehicle carrying 18 people was hijacked by the Taliban. Two among the captives were slaughtered and the rest were put for ransom of Rs. 1500,000 for each. Meanwhile, the villagers started to vacate the town leaving behind their household luggage, cattle and other essentials of life.
The Taliban control the central Kurram and the army has not yet moved to that area. However, the army has secured the G.T road upto Thall and North Waziristan. The Shia population which remains under strict restrictions has been quarantined by the rest of Pakistan for last three years. A student at Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, belonging to Shia area in Kurram, said that he did not meet his family for the the last three years. He said, “There is no way to go to my home. Earlier, I would use the route Peshawar-Kabul-Paktia-Parachinar but it has also become dangerous now because Taliban outfits have become stronger in Paktia as well.” For last four months, the Shia people have been traveling to Peshawar via Hangu-Kohat road under the umbrella of army convoys. However, this road has again become risky after the targeted suicide attack on a convoy at Thall (Hangu).
The Sunni population in the agency, which has been made secured by the army, is confronted with another sort of dilemma. They don’t speak against the Taliban believing that it would prove fatal for them if someone among the IDPs [Internally Displaced Persons] contacts the Taliban and informs them about it. The Taliban in Kurram are using mobile phone services of the companies like Mobilink, Ufone and Telenor. They can easily communicate with the people living in the secured area.
Religious Divide and Administrative Setup:
Administrative Division
Upper Kurram
Central Kurram
Lower Kurram
Turi
Orakzai
Bangash
Mangal
Ghalgi
Kharota
Hazara
Major Tribes of Kurram Agency:
Basic Facts and Figures:
Official name Kurram Agency
Locally called Kuar-ma
Area 3.380 square kilometers
Population 50,0000
Headquarter Parachinar
Sub headquarter Sadda
Weather Snow, rain and fog weather in January and February, a bit hot weather in June & July and moderate in rest of the months
Language Pashto (100%)
Note: Kurram Agency is the area, closest to Kabul, almost 120 km.
The Conflict:
Unlike other tribal agencies, Kurram Agency is known for sectarian conflict between Shia and Sunni tribes. So far, five-six major clashes in the Agency (1961, 1983, 1988, 1996, 2007 and 2009) have resulted into the deaths of over 5000 people belonging to both the sects. The genesis and orientation of the conflict has been commonly understood as the blasphemous and offensive use of language or planned/unplanned actions committed by the perpetrators of one sect against the other.
Two important regional developments have inspired Shia and Sunni population of Kurram valley in imbalanced way. These are:
1. Iranian Revolution 1979, which inspired and radicalized Shia of Kurram Agency. Arif Husseni, a Shia leader of Kurram Agency, remained a close companion of Khomeini and he spent his time in Iraq with Khomeini when he was in exile.
2. Soviet-Afghan War 1979, which indoctrinated the Sunni populace as many of them were directly participating in Afghan Jihad. Kurram was used as a launching pad for jihad in Afghanistan as it offers the shortest distance to Kabul.
New Dimension of Conflict:
In 2007, Pakistani Taliban, predominantly the militants of Tehrik-e-Taliban (TTP), got involved into the matrix. Most of the surrendered and abducted security personnel who belonged to Shia sect were brutally slaughtered by Taliban in many parts of FATA and the NWFP. In 2007 and 2008, the Shia community in Parachinar received many bodies beheaded by the TTP militants. In reaction, a task force was formed by the Shias of Parachinar to protect themselves from the Taliban.
The Taliban and Shia task force entered into a new phase of violence, and the general populace supported and joined hands with their respective warring parties of the conflict.
In 2008, thousands of people from both the sects were directly involved in fighting and killing one another with heavy weapons. Interior Minister Rehman Malik warned the warring parties to withdraw from the fight, otherwise they would face dire consequences for it. However, owing to the government’s passive response, the fight continued for two weeks after the deadline.
The Taliban alleged the Shia community of Parachinar of impeding their cross border infiltration into Afghanistan. They also accused the Shias of having developed an understanding with the Afghan government and NATO forces against them.
Orakzai Agency:
The tribal area now forming Orakzai agency was previously part of Frontier Region Kohat district until Novemebr 30, 1973. Biland Khel, a small pocket measuring about 6.5 square kilometers is also part of the agency and lies few kilometres off Thall, bordering North Waziristan and Kurram agencies.
Interestingly, Biland Khel doesn’t touch the main land of Orakzai Agency and the people living in Biland Khel are Wazir. Biland Khel was included in Orakzai Agency due to some administrative problems.
Operation in Orakzai Agency:
The military operation continues in yellow spot area--lower Orakzai agency. It is one of the beautiful and tough areas, as the terrain is hilly and forestry. The army is using gunship helicopters and ground forces as well. The lower Orakzai has plenty of coal mines and the militants have set up their hideouts there.
Orakzai is the only agency that doesn’t share boundary with Afghanistan. It is the last Taliban-hit agency of FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas]. So far, the army has not penetrated deep into the agency. The army has been deployed along a narrow strip adjacent to Hangu, and it has secured the GT road leading to Thall, Kurram Agency and North Waziristan.
Army helicopters hit targets in both Kurram and Orakzai agencies. Owing to frequent shelling and fear of the Taliban, as many as 90 percent people of Orakzai agency have migrated to other cities mainly Hangu. Local estimates put the number of IDPs over 100,000; however, there are only 18 families residing in IDP camp in Hangu. The others are living either on rent or with their relatives in nearby villages of Hangu. A local of Hangu said that he had eight families from Orakzai agency at his home, and they had also brought 29 cows along with them.
Suicide attack on IDPs:
On April 17, 2010, two suicide attacks carried out at a registration centre for the IDPs in Kacha Pakha area of Kohat, killed 41 people. The IDPs were standing in a queue at the centre when the first suicide bomber blew himself up. A second suicide bomber struck minutes later when people rushed to the spot to help the injured. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi al Alami, a militant outfit, claimed responsibility for the attacks. The sectarian element in this attack cannot be ruled out as most of the IDPs at the camp belonged to Manikhel and Bar Mohammadkhel tribes, which are Shia.
Kacha Pakha, a largely Shia area in Kohat, was hit by the militants for the second time in recent months. In September 2009, a suicide bomber had killed 33 people, and the same group claimed responsibility for the attack. An IDP, Rafil Hussain, who was injured in the latest attack, had lost his brother in the last year attack. The Shia tribes of Orakzai are being targeted because they are fully supporting the ongoing army operation against the Taliban.
Tribal Sikhs:
There are about 150 Sikh families living in the two agencies for centuries. They have their properties and business there. They have fully adopted the Pashtun culture—observance of Hijab [veil], keeping weapons with them, dancing etc.. Many Sikhs run their business in partnership with other Muslim tribesmen.
Owing to the Taliban threat, most of the Sikh community members have vacated both the agencies and migrated to Punjab, particularly Hassan Abdal. The Taliban had targeted some Sikhs in the past, and recently, two Sikhs were slaughtered by the Taliban in Orakzai Agency for allegedly conspiring against the Taliban.
Profile of Tufan Mullah:
· Real name Noor Jamal; Tufan -- nickname or codename -- used in wireless communications.
· Belongs to Mamozai sub-tribe of Orakzai.
· Head of Taliban in both Kurram and Orakzai agencies.
· Got religious education from seminaries in Faisalabad and Talagang districts of Punjab; also studied in Panjpir, Swabi.
· Has links with Punjabi Taliban.
· Served as an Imam [prayer leader] in a Hujra of local Malik [elder] in Kurram Agency for Rs. 2000 per month.
· Got military training in Kandahar in 2005-06.
· Slaughtered more than fifty people with his own hands.
· Has two wives, and four sons and two daughters.
Ideology:
Tufan Mullah belongs to Panjpir school of thought, which is close to Salfi and Wahabi brand of Islam. Maulana Mohammad Tahir was the first leader of Panjpiris and he has established a Madarssa in Swabi. They follow Deobandi Islam but have some theological differences with Deobandi Ulema. Panjpirs also strongly oppose to Jamiat Ulema-e Islam [JUI], a strong political party of Deobandi Ulema.
Opposition to TTP in Kurram:
Some prominent local mullas are opposing to the TTP on the ground in their particular theological and militant style of Jihad. These include:
1. Nabi Ustad (An independent commander, now close to Gul Bahadar group): He is the man who openly opposed to Tufan Mullah, as the former’s close associate, Commander Shah Nawaz was brutally killed by the TTP. He claimed responsibility for killing former provincial minister Ghani Urehman in Hangu, who was allegedly involved in the murder of Shah Nawaz in one way or the other. Nabi belongs to Ali Khel sub-tribe of Orakzai. He now operates in lower Kurram and North Waziristan.
2. Mehboob Mullah is the head of Ansarul Islam in Tirh valley. He is the man who resisted Mangal Bagh in Khyber Agency. Mehboob has also theological differences with the TTP. He is strong in Tirah valley not allowing Tufan Mullah to enter Khyber Agency, which is adjacent to Kurram Agency.
Conclusion:
The study leads to the following few conclusions:
The TTP has become weak in Kurram Agency; however, it still has strong footings in Orakzai. The Taliban have lost over 80 percent area of Kurram Agency. They are enjoying power in some pockets of central Kurram, which are relatively harder to access. However, in Orakzai Agency, the Taliban have control over 70 percent area. From upper Orakzai, they are easily communicating with their counterparts in Khyber Agency.
Mamozai is the major tribe supporting the TTP in Kurram Agency, as about 75 percent TTP leadership in Kurram belongs to this sub-tribe of Orakzai. Hakeemullah Mehsud has married with an Afridi girl of in Mamozai tribe in Kurram Agency.
Social and moral support to the TTP in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies has come to the lowest, but no one can dare to physically oppose to the Taliban due to the fear of suicide attacks and target killing.
The Taliban have also abducted close relatives (son,nephews etc) of some prominent Maliks in the area. Many Maliks have fled to major cities of Pakistan and some have even left the country for Middle East.
Anti-TTP commanders and Mualvis are getting more legitimacy and social support, which is a potential threat to the survival of TTP in Kurram Agency. However, most of the people neither rely on the army nor the Taliban for their security. Interestingly, when Mualvi Mumtaz in Zawa town was besieged by the TTP, he rejected the government offer for any support, implying that the people hesitate to get support from any of the two parties believing the things would further worsen.
The TTP is confined to a narrow strip of central Kurram Agency having no safer place in the agency to flee. Tora Bora is the only option for them, which will push them to Afghanistan.
If the army succeeds to clear central Kurram from the TTP operatives, the organization’s physical communication and logistics in North and South Waziristan with Orakzai, Khyber, Mohmand and Bajaur will get badly affected.
The operation in Orakzai has been intensified, but it can still take long time to be concluded as the army assault is not proving very effective, and the enemy is still in the position to take any initiative or give a tough time to the army.
An uphill task for the army will be the return of IDPs to their homes.
Special Report
Courtesy
CENTER for RESEARCH
and SECURITY STUDIES ISLAMABAD, PAKISTAN
Islamabad, May 20, 2010
Life in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies of FATA
Background:
Until 2006, there was nominal presence of Taliban in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies. However, with the formal launch of Tehreek-e Taliban Pakistan [TTP] in December 2007, Chief Baitullah Mehsud, deputed his close aide Hakeemullah Mehsud to control Orakzai Agency. Under Hakeemullah’s leadership, the TTP entered Orakzai and the Taliban gradually established their writ on the entire area.
The Taliban entry into Kurram and Orakzai Agencies is a replica of three-phased tactic adopted by them on both sides of the Durand Line. In the first phase--persuasion phase--the TTP criticized the prevailing injustice in the area, and pushed for the greater agenda of caliphate, Jihad and martyrdom through peaceful assertions. During this phase, the TTP looked for local allies and also built their centres. The Taliban also verbally attacked the centuries old harmonious Shia-Sunni relations in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies. This phase also included target killing and kidnapping of Shias. Training camps established during this phase recruited a considerable number of young men for becoming fighters and suicide bombers. The TTP also started gathering revenues in form of coal commissions, narcotics, extortions and kidnapping for ransom.
In the second phase--contamination phase--the Taliban used intimidations, threats and violence to isolate the area from rest of the country and to break down the tribal culture. Music and barbers’ shops were attacked and movements of people, particularly women, was restricted. Girls education was banned. Attacks on shias increased and intimidation of Sikhs began. Under the leadership of Hakeemullah Mehsud in the area, a considerable number of youth began developing fighting militias. This phase of contamination led to occupation.
In the third phase, the TTP began to establish a parallel system in the area. A different judicial and administration system and a new social code were imposed on people of the area. This process of occupation angered the largest tribe, Ali Khel. The tribe thus decided to resist the occupation.
Current Scenario:
Kurram and Orakzai, the coldest agencies vis-à-vis climate have become the hottest ones vis-à-vis day to day violence and turbulence. In Kurram Agency, however, the army has cleared 40 percent area, and we can say that 80 percent area has become peaceful. The remaining 20 percent, however, still remains under the Taliban control. There are Shias spreading over 60 percent of the area.
The last public resistance in Kurram was headed by Mumtaz Mullah who was supported by 120 families--almost 20,000 people--in Zawa town. Mumtaz Mullah formed a lashkar which provided security shell to the town against Noor Jamal known as Mullah Tofan (storm). The lashkar resisted Tofan’s men hardly for a month as Zawa town was besieged by the Taliban and the people had to suffer due to shortage of daily use commodities. A vehicle carrying 18 people was hijacked by the Taliban. Two among the captives were slaughtered and the rest were put for ransom of Rs. 1500,000 for each. Meanwhile, the villagers started to vacate the town leaving behind their household luggage, cattle and other essentials of life.
The Taliban control the central Kurram and the army has not yet moved to that area. However, the army has secured the G.T road upto Thall and North Waziristan. The Shia population which remains under strict restrictions has been quarantined by the rest of Pakistan for last three years. A student at Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, belonging to Shia area in Kurram, said that he did not meet his family for the the last three years. He said, “There is no way to go to my home. Earlier, I would use the route Peshawar-Kabul-Paktia-Parachinar but it has also become dangerous now because Taliban outfits have become stronger in Paktia as well.” For last four months, the Shia people have been traveling to Peshawar via Hangu-Kohat road under the umbrella of army convoys. However, this road has again become risky after the targeted suicide attack on a convoy at Thall (Hangu).
The Sunni population in the agency, which has been made secured by the army, is confronted with another sort of dilemma. They don’t speak against the Taliban believing that it would prove fatal for them if someone among the IDPs [Internally Displaced Persons] contacts the Taliban and informs them about it. The Taliban in Kurram are using mobile phone services of the companies like Mobilink, Ufone and Telenor. They can easily communicate with the people living in the secured area.
Religious Divide and Administrative Setup:
Administrative Division
Upper Kurram
Central Kurram
Lower Kurram
Turi
Orakzai
Bangash
Mangal
Ghalgi
Kharota
Hazara
Major Tribes of Kurram Agency:
Basic Facts and Figures:
Official name Kurram Agency
Locally called Kuar-ma
Area 3.380 square kilometers
Population 50,0000
Headquarter Parachinar
Sub headquarter Sadda
Weather Snow, rain and fog weather in January and February, a bit hot weather in June & July and moderate in rest of the months
Language Pashto (100%)
Note: Kurram Agency is the area, closest to Kabul, almost 120 km.
The Conflict:
Unlike other tribal agencies, Kurram Agency is known for sectarian conflict between Shia and Sunni tribes. So far, five-six major clashes in the Agency (1961, 1983, 1988, 1996, 2007 and 2009) have resulted into the deaths of over 5000 people belonging to both the sects. The genesis and orientation of the conflict has been commonly understood as the blasphemous and offensive use of language or planned/unplanned actions committed by the perpetrators of one sect against the other.
Two important regional developments have inspired Shia and Sunni population of Kurram valley in imbalanced way. These are:
1. Iranian Revolution 1979, which inspired and radicalized Shia of Kurram Agency. Arif Husseni, a Shia leader of Kurram Agency, remained a close companion of Khomeini and he spent his time in Iraq with Khomeini when he was in exile.
2. Soviet-Afghan War 1979, which indoctrinated the Sunni populace as many of them were directly participating in Afghan Jihad. Kurram was used as a launching pad for jihad in Afghanistan as it offers the shortest distance to Kabul.
New Dimension of Conflict:
In 2007, Pakistani Taliban, predominantly the militants of Tehrik-e-Taliban (TTP), got involved into the matrix. Most of the surrendered and abducted security personnel who belonged to Shia sect were brutally slaughtered by Taliban in many parts of FATA and the NWFP. In 2007 and 2008, the Shia community in Parachinar received many bodies beheaded by the TTP militants. In reaction, a task force was formed by the Shias of Parachinar to protect themselves from the Taliban.
The Taliban and Shia task force entered into a new phase of violence, and the general populace supported and joined hands with their respective warring parties of the conflict.
In 2008, thousands of people from both the sects were directly involved in fighting and killing one another with heavy weapons. Interior Minister Rehman Malik warned the warring parties to withdraw from the fight, otherwise they would face dire consequences for it. However, owing to the government’s passive response, the fight continued for two weeks after the deadline.
The Taliban alleged the Shia community of Parachinar of impeding their cross border infiltration into Afghanistan. They also accused the Shias of having developed an understanding with the Afghan government and NATO forces against them.
Orakzai Agency:
The tribal area now forming Orakzai agency was previously part of Frontier Region Kohat district until Novemebr 30, 1973. Biland Khel, a small pocket measuring about 6.5 square kilometers is also part of the agency and lies few kilometres off Thall, bordering North Waziristan and Kurram agencies.
Interestingly, Biland Khel doesn’t touch the main land of Orakzai Agency and the people living in Biland Khel are Wazir. Biland Khel was included in Orakzai Agency due to some administrative problems.
Operation in Orakzai Agency:
The military operation continues in yellow spot area--lower Orakzai agency. It is one of the beautiful and tough areas, as the terrain is hilly and forestry. The army is using gunship helicopters and ground forces as well. The lower Orakzai has plenty of coal mines and the militants have set up their hideouts there.
Orakzai is the only agency that doesn’t share boundary with Afghanistan. It is the last Taliban-hit agency of FATA [Federally Administered Tribal Areas]. So far, the army has not penetrated deep into the agency. The army has been deployed along a narrow strip adjacent to Hangu, and it has secured the GT road leading to Thall, Kurram Agency and North Waziristan.
Army helicopters hit targets in both Kurram and Orakzai agencies. Owing to frequent shelling and fear of the Taliban, as many as 90 percent people of Orakzai agency have migrated to other cities mainly Hangu. Local estimates put the number of IDPs over 100,000; however, there are only 18 families residing in IDP camp in Hangu. The others are living either on rent or with their relatives in nearby villages of Hangu. A local of Hangu said that he had eight families from Orakzai agency at his home, and they had also brought 29 cows along with them.
Suicide attack on IDPs:
On April 17, 2010, two suicide attacks carried out at a registration centre for the IDPs in Kacha Pakha area of Kohat, killed 41 people. The IDPs were standing in a queue at the centre when the first suicide bomber blew himself up. A second suicide bomber struck minutes later when people rushed to the spot to help the injured. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi al Alami, a militant outfit, claimed responsibility for the attacks. The sectarian element in this attack cannot be ruled out as most of the IDPs at the camp belonged to Manikhel and Bar Mohammadkhel tribes, which are Shia.
Kacha Pakha, a largely Shia area in Kohat, was hit by the militants for the second time in recent months. In September 2009, a suicide bomber had killed 33 people, and the same group claimed responsibility for the attack. An IDP, Rafil Hussain, who was injured in the latest attack, had lost his brother in the last year attack. The Shia tribes of Orakzai are being targeted because they are fully supporting the ongoing army operation against the Taliban.
Tribal Sikhs:
There are about 150 Sikh families living in the two agencies for centuries. They have their properties and business there. They have fully adopted the Pashtun culture—observance of Hijab [veil], keeping weapons with them, dancing etc.. Many Sikhs run their business in partnership with other Muslim tribesmen.
Owing to the Taliban threat, most of the Sikh community members have vacated both the agencies and migrated to Punjab, particularly Hassan Abdal. The Taliban had targeted some Sikhs in the past, and recently, two Sikhs were slaughtered by the Taliban in Orakzai Agency for allegedly conspiring against the Taliban.
Profile of Tufan Mullah:
· Real name Noor Jamal; Tufan -- nickname or codename -- used in wireless communications.
· Belongs to Mamozai sub-tribe of Orakzai.
· Head of Taliban in both Kurram and Orakzai agencies.
· Got religious education from seminaries in Faisalabad and Talagang districts of Punjab; also studied in Panjpir, Swabi.
· Has links with Punjabi Taliban.
· Served as an Imam [prayer leader] in a Hujra of local Malik [elder] in Kurram Agency for Rs. 2000 per month.
· Got military training in Kandahar in 2005-06.
· Slaughtered more than fifty people with his own hands.
· Has two wives, and four sons and two daughters.
Ideology:
Tufan Mullah belongs to Panjpir school of thought, which is close to Salfi and Wahabi brand of Islam. Maulana Mohammad Tahir was the first leader of Panjpiris and he has established a Madarssa in Swabi. They follow Deobandi Islam but have some theological differences with Deobandi Ulema. Panjpirs also strongly oppose to Jamiat Ulema-e Islam [JUI], a strong political party of Deobandi Ulema.
Opposition to TTP in Kurram:
Some prominent local mullas are opposing to the TTP on the ground in their particular theological and militant style of Jihad. These include:
1. Nabi Ustad (An independent commander, now close to Gul Bahadar group): He is the man who openly opposed to Tufan Mullah, as the former’s close associate, Commander Shah Nawaz was brutally killed by the TTP. He claimed responsibility for killing former provincial minister Ghani Urehman in Hangu, who was allegedly involved in the murder of Shah Nawaz in one way or the other. Nabi belongs to Ali Khel sub-tribe of Orakzai. He now operates in lower Kurram and North Waziristan.
2. Mehboob Mullah is the head of Ansarul Islam in Tirh valley. He is the man who resisted Mangal Bagh in Khyber Agency. Mehboob has also theological differences with the TTP. He is strong in Tirah valley not allowing Tufan Mullah to enter Khyber Agency, which is adjacent to Kurram Agency.
Conclusion:
The study leads to the following few conclusions:
The TTP has become weak in Kurram Agency; however, it still has strong footings in Orakzai. The Taliban have lost over 80 percent area of Kurram Agency. They are enjoying power in some pockets of central Kurram, which are relatively harder to access. However, in Orakzai Agency, the Taliban have control over 70 percent area. From upper Orakzai, they are easily communicating with their counterparts in Khyber Agency.
Mamozai is the major tribe supporting the TTP in Kurram Agency, as about 75 percent TTP leadership in Kurram belongs to this sub-tribe of Orakzai. Hakeemullah Mehsud has married with an Afridi girl of in Mamozai tribe in Kurram Agency.
Social and moral support to the TTP in Kurram and Orakzai Agencies has come to the lowest, but no one can dare to physically oppose to the Taliban due to the fear of suicide attacks and target killing.
The Taliban have also abducted close relatives (son,nephews etc) of some prominent Maliks in the area. Many Maliks have fled to major cities of Pakistan and some have even left the country for Middle East.
Anti-TTP commanders and Mualvis are getting more legitimacy and social support, which is a potential threat to the survival of TTP in Kurram Agency. However, most of the people neither rely on the army nor the Taliban for their security. Interestingly, when Mualvi Mumtaz in Zawa town was besieged by the TTP, he rejected the government offer for any support, implying that the people hesitate to get support from any of the two parties believing the things would further worsen.
The TTP is confined to a narrow strip of central Kurram Agency having no safer place in the agency to flee. Tora Bora is the only option for them, which will push them to Afghanistan.
If the army succeeds to clear central Kurram from the TTP operatives, the organization’s physical communication and logistics in North and South Waziristan with Orakzai, Khyber, Mohmand and Bajaur will get badly affected.
The operation in Orakzai has been intensified, but it can still take long time to be concluded as the army assault is not proving very effective, and the enemy is still in the position to take any initiative or give a tough time to the army.
An uphill task for the army will be the return of IDPs to their homes.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)